Question Details

(solution) People, Place, and Region: 100 Years of Human Geography in the

 need to write journals. 

the first one is about 

Geografiska Annaler. Series B, Human Geography'

the second is about 

Geographical Review. 

each journals must has at leas 250 words 

I attached the articles.  

here is the instructions  

Ideally, you will find a relatively recent (i.e., within the past couple of decades) article about some aspect of the global sustainability (i.e., environmental issues) for the place that you have studied this semester for our class assignments.  You can do this by simply navigating to one of the above journals and then searching within that title using the name of the place/country.  If that journal doesn't happen to have any relevant articles on your place/country, you could just try another journal.  If you don't happen to find any relevant articles on your place/country, you are welcome to choose an article that focuses on someplace else or a sustainability concept in general.  Make sure that you choose an actual journal article (not a book review)--articles are typically 10-20 pages in length.   Also, make sure that you are using an article for which you can actually read the entire article--not just its abstract (i.e., summary).  You should be given an option of either reading the entire article online or downloading a full-text PDF copy.

After reading the article, write a one page (at least 250 words) response in which you discuss what you found most interesting about it and how it connects with one or more topics from our class.  You MUST also include a full bibliographic citation of the article in your response paper in order to qualify for full extra credit.

People, Place, and Region: 100 Years of Human


Geography in the Annals


Audrey Kobayashi


Department of Geography, Queen?s University


Human geography articles published in the Annals of the Association of American Geographers over the past century


have gone through several overlapping phases that include Darwinian environmentalist approaches during the


early part of the century, a strongly antideterminist cultural geography in?uenced by Carl Sauer at midcentury, and


a science of ?space? supported by quantitative methods in the postwar period. All three approaches take a regional


perspective, although with very different de?nitions of the region. During the 1970s, regional and quantitative


methods remained strong, although humanism and Marxism became the two dominant methodologies. Since


the 1980s, and the emergence of a variety of poststructuralist perspectives, these two approaches no longer run


on separate tracks. The past two decades have seen the rather later in?uence of feminism and antiracism as major


themes in the Annals, as well as strengthening of economic and political theories. Presidential addresses have


played an important role in in?uencing, or responding to, new directions in geography. Key Words: Annals of


the Association of American Geographers, human geography, methodology, place, region. Los art´culos de geograf´a humana publicados en Annals of the Association of American Geographers durante el






pasado siglo han pasado por varias fases traslapadas que incluyen los enfoques ambientalistas darwinianos en


los albores del siglo, una geograf´a cultural fuertemente antideterminista in?uida por Carl Sauer a mediados del




siglo, y una ciencia del ?espacio? apoyada en m´ todos cuantitativos en el per´odo de la posguerra. Todos los tres






enfoques adoptaron una perspectiva regional, aunque a partir de muy diferentes de?niciones del t´ rmino regi´ n.






Durante los anos 1970, los m´ todos regional y cuantitativo permanecieron fuertes, aunque el humanismo y el






marxismo se convirtieron en las dos metodolog´as dominantes. Desde los anos 1980 y con la emergencia de una






variedad de perspectivas posestructuralistas, esos dos enfoques ya no marchan en pistas separadas. Las pasadas dos


ultimas d´ cadas han presenciado la muy tard´a in?uencia del feminismo y el antirracismo como temas principales








de Annals, lo mismo que un fortalecimiento de las teor´as econ´ micas y pol´ticas. Los discursos presidenciales








de la AAG han jugado un papel importante en t´ rminos de in?uencia o respuesta sobre los nuevos rumbos de




la geograf´a. Palabras clave: Annals of the Association of American Geographers, geograf´a humana, metodolog´a,








lugar, regi´ n.


o W hen the three concepts of ?people, place,


and region? were chosen in 1999 to encompass a broad swath of what is widely referred


to as human geography, it was with considerable and


thoughtful, albeit at times contentious, debate. The


ontological status of these concepts or, more correctly,


geographers? interpretations of these concepts, deserves


a fuller discussion than has yet occurred either in the


Annals or the wider human geography literature. I use


these few pages to look back on a century of human


geography in the Annals, with the clear caveat that this account is limited to articles published in the Annals


and makes no attempt to address the wider geographical literature. I have attempted to convey the words and


ideas of those geographers who have most in?uenced


our discipline through their writing in the Annals.


Neutrality is dif?cult in a discipline where through


the years there have been many normative opinions as


to what we can, should, and should not study. Presidential addresses, many of them cited here, contain


some of the most inspiring ideas and some of the most


petty admonishments, ranging from environmentalism, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 100(5) 2010, pp. 1095?1106 C 2010 by Association of American Geographers


Published by Taylor & Francis, LLC. 1096 Kobayashi to region, to spatial systems, to human interactions


with one another, a circuitous progression marked with


plenty of debate of the how and the why. Given the task


at hand, I try to convey these debates in a descriptive,


nonjudgmental manner, but I apologize in advance if


by omission, complicity, or implication, my own views


occasionally seep through.


Human geography, whether by design or lack of


interest, was not very important in the Association of


American Geographers (AAG) and its publications for


at least the ?rst two decades. I suspect that there might


have been some design on the part of the ?rst editor,


Richard Elwood Dodge, because the publications of


titles and abstracts of the annual meetings (published


in the Annals from the ?rst meeting in 1904 [1911]


until the sixty-third meeting in 1967) contain a signi?cant amount of human geography, whereas articles published during the ?rst decade that might count as human


geography number only six1 : ?The Barrier Boundary of


the Mediterranean Basin and its Northern Breaches as


Factors in History? (Semple 1915); ?The Oasis of Tuba,


Arizona,? (Gregory 1915); ?Some Considerations on


the Geographical Provinces of the United States?


(Jefferson 1917); ?Sriharikota and the Yanadis?


(Cushing 1917); ?The Boundaries of the New England


States,? (Cushing 1920); and ?Genetic Geography: The


Development of the Geographic Sense and Concept?


(Dryer 1920). All six are preoccupied with de?ning


regions, include people among a range of objects found


within regions, and are strongly Darwinian in approach.


Gregory, Cushing, and Dryer all refer in some way to


the ?savage,? uncivilized character of the humans they


describe. Epistemologically, all six share with other


geographers of the time?who were more interested in


physiographic features of regions?a view of geography


as a uni?ed science based on Kantian epistemology.2 In


his presidential address of 1922, Harland Barrows validated this synoptic approach, although with a gentle


admonition as to the dangers of overly deterministic




Geography will aim to make clear the relationships between natural environments and the distribution and activities of man. Geographers will, I think, be wise to view


this problem in general from the standpoint of man?s adjustment to environment, rather than from that of environmental in?uence. The former approach is more likely


to result in the recognition and proper valuation of all the


factors involved, and especially to minimize the danger


of assigning to the environmental factors a determinative


in?uence which they do not exert. (Barrows 1923, 2) A big upset occurred a year later. In the same volume


in which Huntington (1924) published an unabashed


statement of his thesis on determinism and natural selection, Carl Sauer (1924) challenged the discipline to


cease and desist. The ?bias of determinism? (18), he


claimed, was unscienti?c, biased, dogmatic, unsystematic, and undisciplined. A year later, J. K. Wright went




Danger besets the man who would study the relation between geographical environment and human thought. So


complex are the factors which mold our mental processes,


so imperfect our understanding of the relation between


geography and the physical?let alone intellectual?


activities of humanity; and so great the risk of unfounded


generalization, that critical geographers have fought shy


of the subject. . . . But we no longer take this sort of theorizing very seriously. (Wright 1925, 192) For the next several decades, environmentalism faded


slowly into the background, although it remained a


strong feature of the journal at least into the 1950s.


Wallace Atwood?s 1934 presidential address (Atwood


1935) cited the need for geographical analysis in adapting to climate change and its problems for human settlement but stressed adaptability rather than determinism,


calling on geographers to push the federal government


out of its isolationism, to foster international peace and


disarmament, and to help stamp out the ?damnable


practices of war? (15).


Human geography of the 1930s and 1940s took one


of three general approaches. The Sauerian approach,


much the dominant, maintained the concept of region


as a central tenet but focused on the in?uence of culture


in forming the characteristics of regions, with a gradual


swing away from Barrows?s notion of humans adapting to environment (Whitbeck 1928, 1929; see also


Whittlesey 1945) to a focus on human agency (Doerr


and Guernsey 1956) with many variations in between.


Sauer articulated his approach most forcefully in his


1940 presidential address:


Human geography, then, unlike psychology and history, is


a science that has nothing to do with individuals but only


with human institutions, or cultures. It may be de?ned


as the problem of the Standort or localization of ways of


living. There are then two methods of approach, one by


the study of the areal extension of individual culture traits


and one by the determination of culture complexes as


areas. (Sauer 1941, 7) Years later, in another presidential address, Sauer was


to change his view somewhat, as he lamented the


lack of human morality in despoiling nature and urged People, Place, and Region: 100 Years of Human Geography in the Annals


geographers to address their concerns to human behavior (Sauer 1956).


The second approach, an attempt to understand human beings from the point of view that geography is a


product of human imagination, or ?geosophy? as Wright


(1925, 12) called it, ?the geographical ideas, both true


and false, of all manner of people,? received little attention until the humanistic movement of the 1970s,


although the writings of Ralph H. Brown (1941), John


Leighly (1958), and Clarence Glacken (1960) provide


remarkable exceptions. I return to this approach in due




A third approach to human geography, also rooted


in regional geography, omitted human beings per se to


focus on the distribution of human products, especially


products of economic activities. The ?rst, early contribution in the Annals to what would become known as


urban-economic geography was from Mark Jefferson, who


wrote on the emergence of the American urban system


as an organism responding to environmental conditions


(Jefferson 1915). Over the next two decades, urbaneconomic geography became much more systematic in


the attempt to understand location, patterns of distribution, and the transformation of urban landscapes into


functional systems. This approach includes early works


by Platt (1926, 1927, 1934) and Hartshorne (1927).


By the time of his 1945 presidential address, however,


Platt (1946)?recently returned from having spent the


war years in the Of?ce of Strategic Services?had developed a much more comprehensive and antideterminist


view of the discipline (see also Platt 1948). In one of the


most thoughtful presidential addresses of the century,


he described geography as the study of ?the interlocking


of human lives over the whole earth? (2). He discussed


the ?microgeography? of a small section of Illinois in relation to ?world unity and disunity, coherence and incoherence, attachment and detachment, conjunction and


separation, interdependence and independence? (11).


Re?ecting on the war, nuclear weapons, and the public


role of the geographer, he concluded:


Nevertheless the problem is still with us, of dealing with


individual human beings, understanding their immediate


surroundings, and safeguarding the values of local life and


cultural variety. . . . The problem is rooted in a permanent


characteristic of human life, the social and physical localness of human beings in distinct and different localities.


(Platt 1948, 11?12) The postwar Annals re?ected rapid social and political change. As Barnes and Farish (2006, 821) pointed


out recently: 1097 Shifting language and practice of regional geography, from


catchall description to an instrumental science, provide a


guide through the thickets of Cold War scholarship, and


suggest a means to locate the work of a Hartshorne or an


Ullman in the realm of encounter that Andrew Pickering (1995) calls ?the mangle??in this case the vast and


complex one set messily in the [Cold War]. (a ?mangle?


referring to the intense entanglement of political and ideological issues) The conversion of the concept of the region into a systematic unit based on a science of ?space,? they claimed


was a deeply ideological response to Cold War priorities.


In any case, the depiction of geography as a discipline of peace disappears from (or is avoided) in the


Annals for a couple of decades, and human geography


scholarship became more starkly divided between a systematic/quantitative and a descriptive/traditionalist approach to the discipline. Ironically, both approaches


remained strongly tied to the notion of the region,


notwithstanding argument over what the term means.


Fred Schaefer (1953) described the discipline as residing


in two methodological camps: the systematic and the


regional, the ?rst deriving from the likes of Humboldt


and Ritter and the second from Hettner. He lamented


that ?the present conditions of the ?eld indicate a stage


of development, well known from other social sciences,


which ?nds most geographers still busy with classi?cations rather than looking for laws? (Schaefer 1953, 232).


A second problem for Schaefer was with exceptionalism, which he attributed initially to Kant and later on


to Hartshorne (1939) as the attitude that geography is


exceptional in its synthetic approach to regions3 : ?Geography is a name for a description of nature and the


whole world. Geography and history together ?ll up the


entire area of our perception: geography that of space


and history that of time? (Kant 1892, 6?8, quoted in


Schaefer 1953, 232). He concluded that geographers


must join other social sciences in the search for systematic laws?spatial laws?or risk the demise of the




Schaefer died before his article was published. It was


read at an annual meeting of the AAG posthumously.


Hartshorne, whose discussion of the nature of geography was deemed important enough to merit nearly


500 pages of the journal by editor Derwent Whittlesey


(Hartshorne 1939), issued an irate rejoinder in a letter published in the Annals in 1954 and in an article


a year later, citing ?false representations and accusations? that he set out to correct, laying out ten methodological rules, to show that the accusation of exceptionalism was baseless (Hartshorne 1955). Later still, 1098 Kobayashi he cited the consistency of all the German ?fathers?


of the discipline?Kant, Humboldt, Ritter, Hettner,


and Schluter?in adopting a chorological approach to


science, based on the areal or spatial association of


things but incorporating both nomothetic and ideographic principles. Geography, he claimed, ?requires


the use of two markedly different methods of study,


the systematic examination of certain categories of relationships over the world or any large part of it, in


general or systematic geography; and the study of the


totality of interrelated phenomena in particular areas,


in special or regional geography? (Hartshorne 1958,


108). Notwithstanding debate about his de?nition of


the discipline, Hartshorne?s in?uence cannot be underestimated in strengthening an empiricist approach to


the discipline, even throughout the years in which many


geographers sought theoretical, quantitative models.


Meanwhile, Edward Ullman warned against going


too far in the search for general laws about human


conditions, claiming that geography had already been


?burned? by environmental determinism. Instead we


should be concerned with ?middle range? theories that


can be mapped, according to the principles of space and


spatial interaction:


By spatial interaction I mean actual, meaningful, human


relations between areas on the earth?s surface, such as the


reciprocal relations and ?ows of all kinds among industries,


raw materials, markets, culture, and transportation?not


static location as indicated by latitude, longitude, type


of climate, etcetera, nor assumed relations based on inadequate data and a priori assumptions. (Ullman 1953,


56) Ullman stated a general consensus among Annals contributors of the decade that notwithstanding the degree


of systematization, geography is fundamentally regional.


But, warned Trewartha (1953, 111) in a plea for population geography, ?regional analysis of a superior quality


requires the highest type of mature scholarship and is


not to be undertaken by amateurs.? Trewartha?s address


should also be noted for its in?uence in establishing


?population geography? as a major stream within the




In any case, the pages of the Annals during the 1950s


and 1960s display what Stephen B. Jones (1954, 111)


called the ?current urge for theory in geography,? in


advancing a ?uni?ed ?eld theory? for political geography. Emrys Jones (1956) weighed in for understanding


the laws of ?cause and effect.? Others advanced ?game


theory? (Gould 1963), and there emerged a signi?cant


number of increasingly sophisticated economic location theories, re?ecting ideas of neoclassical economics (e.g.,


Harris 1954), including ?central place theory? (May?eld


1963; Morrill 1963) and stochastic processes (Harvey


1966). Brian Berry summed up this era?in which human geographers seemed to forget the ?human? in favor


of systems?by appealing to ?systems theory? and stated


three principles that for him de?ned the discipline: (1)


?Geographers are, like any other scientists, identi?ed not


so much by the phenomena they study, as by the integrating concepts and processes that they stress?; (2) ?The geographic point of view is spatial?; and (3) ?The integrating


concepts and processes of the geographer relate to spatial


arrangements and distributions, to spatial integration, to


spatial interactions and organization, and to spatial process?


(Berry 1964, 2?3; italics in original). There followed


the development of increasingly complex models, using analogy to depict the geographies of a ?large and


multivariate reality? (Chorley 1964, 127). Geographers


sought explanation in ?economic man? (Wolpert 1964)


and ?probability theory? (Clark 1965). Even the most


abstract of quantitative geographers, however, could observe that:


Whether history is lawful is a matter for those who write


it to decide. That spatial processes occur, to which the


historian could not contribute understanding but which


are the very stuff of geography, appears self-evident?or at


least a worthy article of faith. (Curry 1964, 146) As the 1960s drew to a close, the Annals published several more classics based on modeling economic geography (Morrill and Pitts 1967; Clark 1968; Cox 1968;


Golledge and Amedeo 1968; Huff and Jenks 1968;


Brown and Longbrake 1970) during a period characterized by what Clyde Kohn (1970) called the ?new


social geography.?4


At the same time, under Joseph Spencer?s, and later


John Hudson?s, editorship, cultural and historical geography advanced rich studies along the Sauerian tradition, including Mikesell?s (1967) discussion of cultural


geography and its relations with anthropology through


cultural ecology; Kniffen?s (1965) study of house types


as an exercise in moving from classi?cation (Kniffen


1936) to a theory of cultural diffusion; Logan?s (1968)


study of the boundary as an in?uence on landscape formation; Miller?s (1968) wonderfully evocative account


of the relationship between folk tales and ways of life


in the Ozarks; and Hilliard?s (1969) innovative study


of variations in pork consumption and regional economics in the antebellum South. The city emerged as


a place of dynamic social relations in David Ward?s


(1968) description of immigrant settlement. Brunn and People, Place, and Region: 100 Years of Human Geography in the Annals


Hoffman (1970) showed an increasing attention to nuanced spatial variations in human behavior, in one of


the ?rst articles to address differences between blacks


and whites in the United States.


The Annals of the 1960s, during what Peter Gould


(1979) called the ?Augean period,? was a showcase for


a new generation of human geographers: brash, curious, intellectually demanding of themselves and their


discipline, making strong claims for the power of science, and seeking more and more complex ways to understand geography as a spatial science. As the 1970s


rolled around, contributions to the Annals began to re?ect a larger concern for geography?s role in society, responding to larger societal concerns about the ongoing


Vietnam War, the advent of activism over environmental degradation, the second-wave feminist movement,


and the burgeoning human rights movement. Re?ecting these social concerns, the new, radical journal Antipode had started up in 1969, and it had garnered a small


but dedicated following, especially among graduate students (?Past Editors? Re?ections? n.d.). Les King was to


re?ect on the 1970s as a period of ?disillusionment and


consolidation? due in large part to a growing recognition


of ?a symbiotic relationship between quantitative geography and the planning and control of society? (King


1979, 155). He noted that even such thinkers as Edward


Taaffe, whom he described as ?spokesman for those of


us of the liberal establishment? (156) recognized a need


for change. Taaffe?s 1973 presidential address called for


a ?cautious and pragmatic pluralism, maintaining the


three traditions of human geography? (which he called


?man?land relationships,? ?areal study,? and ?spatial organization?), but warning:


We can no longer afford the exuberant con?dence in current theories, models, and techniques which dismisses values, societal utility, and the existence of alternative paths


to Rome, including essentially verbal and essentially prescriptive paths. (Taaffe 1974, 12) A perusal of the book review section of the Annals for


the early 1970s re?ects these comments in a plethora


of publications about American cities. Terms such as


blight and decay abounded, along with comments on


contemporary issues such as health care, migration, and


urban well-being and an increasing number of articles


on urban poverty and housing quality (Hartshorn 1971;


Meyer 1973).


Theoretically, two paths towards social relevance


emerge from the 1970s? Annals, one broadly labeled


humanistic and the other Marxist. Humanistic geography was represented by a series of trendsetting articles 1099 that began a decade earlier with David Lowenthal?s


(1961) tour de force on the geographical imagination,


linking apperception, memory, and epistemology. By


1974, the concept of ?place? had gained increasing


interest. Leonard Guelke (1974) advocated dialectical


idealism as a philosophical approach to the rationality


of human thought and behavior in place. Ley and


Cybriwsky?s (1974) powerful ethnography of urban


graf?ti in Baltimore addressed the relationship between


place and human attitudes, styles, and aspirations.


Robert Sack (1976) used ?magic? to explore the


historical emergence of beliefs?and doubts?about


human spatial experience. Tuan (1976, 267) laid out


a sweeping mandate for humanistic geography as the


study of ?articulated geographical ideas.? Buttimer


(1976) explored the dynamism of the phenomenological concept of the ?life world? for understanding the


relationship between human being and place. Entrikin


(1976) pointed out that contemporary ideas of humanism might best be understood as a form of philosophical


criticism rather than as an understanding of the world:


Reaf?rming the importance of the study of meaning and


value in human geography, making geographers aware of


their often extreme interpretations of science . . . [but] one


of a number of means by which geographers can be made


more self-aware and cognizant of many of the hidden assumptions and implications of their methods and research.


(632) In 1976, John Leighly paid tribute to two important


predecessors to the new humanism and its epistemological rigor in a review of a book in tribute to John K.




In recent years American academic geographers have been


paying a great deal of attention to subjective notions, in


their soul-searching sometimes coming perilously close to


omphaloskepsis [a.k.a. navel-gazing]. Knowledge of subjective notions concerning the actual or even an imaginary


world, however, as the authors of Geographies of the Mind


amply demonstrate without undue introspection, can contribute to appreciation of the real world. (Leighly 1976,


655) Leighly wrote another piece in the same volume to


commemorate Carl Sauer, who had died in 1975. He


used the opportunity to describe how Sauer?and presumably Leighly himself?found ?distasteful? what he


viewed as a narrow and economistic bent in recent geographical scholarship. Leighly?s vision of geography,


and his support of recent developments in humanistic


geography, were thus clearly normative, as was Mikesell?s presidential address of 1977 (Mikesell 1978), in 1100 Kobayashi which he stressed the importance...


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